Facts and Analysis

CBDC in the Euro Area: its Impact on Consumers and Financial System

Central bank digital currency (CBDC) projects are gaining momentum worldwide. This discussion paper examines the European Commission’s proposed digital euro project to assess its impact on consumers, the commercial sector, financial institutions, and monetary policymakers.

The first part of the paper analyses the context that led to the development of the CBDC.
The second part then examines whether the advantages of the digital euro actually justify and outweigh its risks.
The third part assesses the financial stability and monetary risks that this change may pose for the modern banking system and commercial relations with consumers.

The paper concludes by analysing how the digital euro may affect price stability, which is a primary task of the European Central Bank.

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Vytautas Žukauskas. What Is Happening with Money and Prices?

The 20th anniversary of the euro was marked by an increase in price inflation. In the euro area, annual consumer price inflation reached 5% in December 2021. Lithuania recorded the highest rate of 11%.

While the Russian invasion of Ukraine pushed these indicators even further (7.4 and 16.6% respectively in April 2022), the upward trend had been there way before the war. Since the European Central Bank (ECB) aims to maintain annual price inflation at 2%, the situation is hardly normal: depreciating money is emptying people’s pockets faster than usual.

Central banks point to the disruptions in supplies caused by the pandemic and most recently the war as the leading cause of inflation. They seem to be reluctant to recognize monetary policy as a factor in price growth. However, the objective of their monetary stimulus – boosting aggregate demand – is one of the two determinants of the price level. Supply is the other one. The question is not whether but to what extent the acceleration of money printing has contributed to price increases.

The world’s major central banks worked tirelessly during the pandemic. After aggressively cutting interest rates, they started buying up securities, thereby inflating their balance sheets and increasing the supply of money.

As a result, the quantity of money (M1) in the euro area grew by a quarter within two years. A good way to understand the impact of an increase in money supply on prices is to remember that new money ends up in the accounts of financial institutions, then in the accounts of companies and households, then it translates into higher demand for goods, services, and assets, which then drives the prices of goods, services, and assets up.

Price increases, or inflation, are often interpreted as an increase in the quantity of money chasing the same quantity of goods and services. Inflation will rise even if the quantity of goods and services has increased, but inadequately relative to the changes in money supply. If the quantity of goods and services has decreased, as in the context of pandemic and war, inflation will be even higher.

In any event, central banks are contributing to the acceleration of price increases, whether they want to admit it or not.

Monetary policy instruments used by the ECB have evolved considerably over the twenty years of the euro. The range of securities that the ECB can buy has widened. The ECB has gained more power to target its policy toward specific segments of the securities market. The maturities of the utilized instruments have lengthened, and the volume of monetary policy has increased, inflating the central bank’s balance sheet.

As a result, the ECB can influence the way we use money through various previously unavailable instruments, channels, and much greater power. We do not see these actions, but we see the results.

These changes will be welcome by those who see monetary policy as an important instrument to drive the economy. But for those who associate money, its stability, and long-term value with tight restrictions on money issuance and a politically independent central bank, this is a worrying development.

For a decade (half of the euro’s existence), we have been living in an environment of expansionary monetary policy and interest rates that make money the universal cover of economic problems, distorting the very essence of money. As a result, money is losing its central constraining function – the transmission of economic signals.

Last year, the ECB published an analysis with a rather telling conclusion that central banks should be concerned about climate change because “temperature plays a significant role in medium-term price developments.” But many factors play a significant role in price changes.

A gradually growing involvement of the central bank in these developments would mean that it is becoming even more politicized as an institution. Enabling political ambitions by issuing money would mean politicizing money and compromising the primary long-term objective of the central bank – the stability of purchasing power.

Easy money is intoxicating, but it is only a short-term solution at best. One would like to believe that rising prices will force the world’s central banks to slowly sober up their monetary policy and turn its course away from the rescue of the economy and financial markets towards long-term monetary stability. Otherwise, the future will only bring us more price increases and monetary depreciation.

Read more: An Increase in Money Supply and Prices. What Happens to the Value of Money?

Ernestas Einoris. Opposition Remains Against EU Minimum Corporate Tax

Despite repeated requests from EU Member States to delay the European Commission’s proposed directive on an EU minimum corporate tax rate, on May 19, the European Parliament adopted an opinion which includes a demand for more rapid implementation of the proposal.

This call from MEPs to accelerate the minimum corporate income tax only makes the concerns which Member States have been raising about the directive throughout the negotiations more valid.

Ernestas Einoris

The EU Directive Significantly Differs from the OECD Agreement

The directive imposing a pan-EU 15 percent minimum effective corporate income tax on large companies, would, according to the European Commission, address tax challenges caused by digitalization and ensure that companies pay “their fair share of tax.”

The EC’s proposal is derived from the OECD’s “two-pillar” agreement meant to reallocate where international – mostly digital – companies pay taxes and imposing a minimum 15 percent corporate income tax rate on large companies. This agreement was signed by 137 countries, all EU members included.

The European Commission intends to implement the minimum tax through a directive, to ensure consistency between Member States. However, its proposed EU directive significantly differs from the OECD agreement.

First of all, it makes implementation of the new rules mandatory, not voluntary.

Secondly, it targets not just multinationals, but also purely domestic companies, which is outside of the scope of what was agreed at the OECD level.

Furthermore, even if the European Commission has made significant deviations from the original agreement, the EU directive hasn’t been subject to an impact assessment.

Why Some EU Member States Objected to an EU Minimum Corporate Tax Rate

The proposed directive’s adoption requires unanimous support from all EU Member States, just like any other tax-related matter, for example, the VAT directive. However, securing approval from all Member States has proven difficult so far. Three ECOFIN council meetings were not enough to reach a consensus.

The roadblocks to come to an agreement centered around an overly tight implementation timeframe, an excessive burden of the new rules on small countries, and, most importantly, the separation of the minimum tax component of the agreement (Pillar 2) from the reallocation of taxation rights (Pillar 1) in the directive.

The original proposal for an EU directive on the matter suggested that minimum taxation should come into force from 2023 on. However, multiple countries stated that this time frame was too tight. For Sweden, it was unfeasible due to the country’s constitutional requirements related to the lawmaking process. Estonia’s Finance Minister said transposing the directive to national law by 2023 was simply “impossible.” In response, the EU Commission postponed the implementation date, but only till the end of 2023.

Estonia

At the beginning of the negotiations, Estonia explicitly articulated its position that it wanted to maintain its unique corporate income tax system, whereby profits are only taxed when being distributed. Global tax harmonization measures threaten this model because they impose classical corporate tax accounting rules.

As a compromise, Estonia raised the idea of indexing thresholds stipulated in the directive to account for inflation, while ensuring that only a limited number of companies would remain subject to the scope of the directive. Later, this demand was dropped because threshold indexation would significantly differ from the original OECD agreement. This basically means that, if an EU minimum corporate tax rate would be decided, more and more companies will fall under its scope, and thereby face additional compliance costs.

Malta

Another concern, raised by both Estonia and Malta, was that the proposed new rules would entail a tremendous administrative burden for businesses and tax administrations. Both countries only a few ultimate parent entities that would be affected by the directive. Yet, they would still be required to build an infrastructure required to comply with these new rules.

As a result, the European Commission suggested to allow countries with fewer than twelve ultimate parent companies to postpone the directive’s implementation for six years. This compromise, however, has now been attacked by the European Parliament, which suggests cutting that period to three years. This change is yet another deviation from the OECD agreement and does not deal with the concerns cited, given how small countries will still be forced to implement the rules, only later.

Poland

Poland has raised yet another issue which remains unaddressed until now. Its government has demanded a legally binding link between Pillar 1 and Pillar 2, which means that minimum taxation in Europe would only come into effect if Pillar 1 were to be implemented globally.

The work on Pillar 1, which involves a partial reallocation of taxation rights from a residence country to a source country, is still ongoing at the OECD level. The way Poland sees it, is that Pillar 2, which involves a minimum effective tax rate for all companies above 750-million-euro annual revenue, is inseparable from Pillar 1.

Poland thereby insists that the country would be put at a competitive disadvantage if only Pillar 2 were to be adopted. In sum, Poland will only accept Pillar 2, if a legal link with Pillar 1 were to be established.

Poland’s demand is absolutely reasonable, given how the United States, Europe’s major trading partner, has failed to adopt legislation involving the global OECD agreement. According to Poland, a legal link between a minimum corporate tax and implementation of Pillar 1 is pivotal for the competitiveness of European businesses, also because minimum taxation, unlike Pillar 1, does not solve the taxation issues caused by globalization and digitalization.

In response, the European Commission has proposed a statement expressing their commitment to adopting Pillar 1 at the agreed timeframe. This compromise from the Commission did however not satisfy Poland, as it was not legally binding. As a result, negotiations are now stalled.

The process of balancing the interests of all EU Member States is clearly challenging, and it seems to require significant compromises. Unfortunately, these compromises do not deal with the concerns raised by Member States. They only kick the can down the road, when it comes to resolving the problems associated with an EU minimum corporate tax rate.

The article was originally published at Brussels Report.

J. Bartkus. Regulatory Impact Assessment as an Obligation, Not a Right

Jurgis Bartkus

“A corrupt state is one that is governed by too many laws”, said the Roman writer and political figure Publius Cornelius Tacitus. “In the law we value simplicity rather than complexity”, echoed Justinian, the most famous Byzantine emperor. They saw purpose, clarity, proportionality and systematicity as the fundamental lawmaking principles which are able to ensure the quality of the law and the most effective solution to problems in society.

Jurgis Bartkus

Jurgis Bartkus

Ancient Roman law was the basis for the development and refinement of various legal instruments, which, when applied properly, guaranteed the quality of legislation. One of these instruments is the impact assessment of proposed legislation. It dates back to the 1960s, when the Great Society public programmes were launched in the USA under President Lyndon B. Johnson. Their aim was to eliminate social and racial injustice. To measure progress, a governance infrastructure and public performance measurement practices have been developed.

The success of these practices of evaluating public performance has led to the fact that regulatory impact assessment is now considered to be an attribute of any modern state that respects the rule of law. This should come as no surprise. A high-quality impact assessment adds transparency and openness to lawmaking, and allows the public and the legislator to debate the need for, the effectiveness of, and possible alternatives to, legal regulation. In short, an impact assessment answers the questions of why the legislation was decided to be adopted, what its purpose is, what problems it seeks to address and what its likely consequences are.

Answering these questions is of course not easy. The legislator, like any other human being, has only a limited capacity to gather all the necessary information, to predict future consequences and to answer all the questions that would allow an assessment of the quality of the proposed regulation, the need for it, the future costs and the possible alternatives. In addition, the impact assessor is inevitably confronted with a variety of internal and external factors: lack of competence, the desire to please the electorate and to be re-elected. The latter factor often leads to a willingness to quickly and recklessly adopt legislation that is popular but not of good quality. These factors dictate the simplest and most common answer in Lithuania: “No negative consequences foreseen”.

The latter practice cannot be tolerated. According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and the European Commission, impact assessments should be the rule, not the exception. In other words, impact assessment should not be a right but a binding habit of the legislator. However, the current regulation of the legislative process hinders the formation of this habit. The Law on Legislative Framework of the Republic of Lithuania lacks concreteness and is full of vague notions that allow avoiding an impact assessment: an impact assessment is necessary when there is a “substantial change in the legal regulation”; its “comprehensiveness must be proportionate to the possible consequences of the envisaged legal regulation”. What constitutes a “substantial change in the legal framework”, what is “proportionate to the possible consequences of the envisaged legal regulation” – we lack concrete answers to these questions.

Another problem is that alternatives to the proposed legislation are very rarely considered in Lithuania. Legal regulation is not and cannot be considered the only source of regulation of social relations. The law, according to the eminent philosopher and economist Friedrich von Hayek, should merely help to form and maintain the abstract order that is perfectly capable of functioning without the aid of legislation. Unwarranted interventions in this order by legal regulation can have a myriad of unintended consequences and negative impacts on citizens, businesses and society as a whole. This is a point consistently stressed by both the OECD and the EC, which points out that interventions are subject to the following risks: trying to achieve the wrong objectives or correct objectives are being achieved by disproportionate cost, creating unintended consequences such as barriers to entry the market or undue favouritism to some market participants, etc.

Accordingly, when considering new legislation, it is necessary to assess the following alternatives: no change at all, improvement or simplification of existing regulation, alternatives that do not lead to additional regulation (e.g. self-regulation), etc.

Nevertheless, this is very rarely done in Lithuania. Having analysed 57 impact assessment reports prepared last year, we can conclude that alternatives to regulation were analysed in only one of them. The conclusion is obvious: unfortunately, legislation is still seen by the legislator as the only instrument capable of solving society’s problems.

Jurgis Bartkus is an Associate Expert at Lithuanian Free Market institute.

This article was published in IQ journal and is part of the Lithuanian Free Market Institute‘s (LFMI) project Better Laws For Better Lives aimed to advance and inform a law-making quality reform.

More Than Half of Lithuanian Laws Are Passed Without Impact Assessment

Low quality of law-making has so far been the result of the disregard of law-making standards and requirements rather than a lack of them. A recent study from the Lithuanian Free Market Institute shows that almost one in two pieces of legislation is passed without an impact assessment.

In this research LFMI analysed 148  pieces of draft legislation and 57 ex-ante impact assessment reports in the areas of labour relationships, land property rights and economic activity.

Elena Leontjeva.

“In response to the ambition of the ruling coalition of conservatives and liberals to improve the quality of law-making, we took a closer look at the process of producing legislative bills. It is, as we all know, subject to fairly demanding requirements such as making sure that alternatives solutions are identified and considered, assessing their impact, and choosing an alternative that would impose the lowest burden on people,” LFMI President Elena Leontjeva said.

However, the analysis shows that legislators do not meet all the requirements applicable to draft legislation: more than half of all legislative proposals do not specify their negative consequences, while one in three draft laws do not contain any consideration of the impact on business.

“Our analysis suggests that the authors of draft laws are mainly preoccupied with outlining the reasons behind their proposed regulations and their objectives, while turning a blind eye on potential consequences,” LFMI’s expert Karolina Mickutė noted.

In other words, the expected impact is often described in standard phrases such as “no impact on business is expected” or “The enforcement of the proposed law may result in negative consequences for business”, without offering any data or justification. This largely means that the potential impact on the society is not seen as a necessary argument when adopting a new legislation. This largely explains frequent and often immediate amendments soon after laws are passed.

Karolina Mickutė.

Over the past 15 years the number of laws in Lithuania have doubled. Half of all laws require amendment within just one year of adoption, and as many as 11 out of the 14 laws challenged by the Constitutional Court in 2018 were found unconstitutional. These statistics show just how lousy law making in Lithuania is. Previous governments avoided quality procedures. And, as we know, when the rules are flawed, governments will take as much power as they can take.

In such cases taxpayers do not only bear the costs of unjustified and distortionary laws, but also pay for the costs of such rulings and legislative corrections. The quality of every stage of the legislative process determines the quality of the laws around us, so the existing law-making standards and requirements must be observed in order to protect us from budget waste and from the burden associated with unjustified regulations and adapting to changing rules.

According to LFMI, ensuring responsibility of law makers and preventing consideration of legislative proposals that do not comply with law making quality standards is key.

The study under discussion is part of the Lithuanian Free Market Institute’s project Better Laws for Better Lives which is aimed to upgrade law making quality standards in Lithuania which will eventually reverse the disturbing statistics and government overreach behind it. Before the 2020 general elections, LFMI had promoted an agenda for law-making reform. The winning coalition of conservatives and liberals embraced this agenda and put it in their work program. The new Speaker of the Parliament publicly stated that the quality of law-making would be her top priority while in office. The number of draft laws has already been cut by one-quarter, a promising sign that there is commitment to follow through.

A full study (in Lithuanian) is available here.

The article originally appeared at 4liberty.eu

The Pillar of Sustained Business During COVID-19: The Platform Economy

Platform work

In recent years, there has been a significant growth of an interest in the gig economy built upon the premise of online platforms that connect customers with service suppliers.

Platform work brings more opportunities to traditional businesses by closely connecting suppliers and customers and reducing transaction frictions. COVID-19-induced lockdowns only advance the spread of delivery via platforms, since some sectors (such as ride-sharing) have expanded their operations into delivery of meals and produce from local restaurants and stores, to which access is restricted due to nationwide lockdowns. In addition, platform work offers more means of prosperity not only for those seeking more work-related flexibility and additional income, but also for those who directly suffered financial losses due to the lockdowns.

Read full text here. The original text is published in 4Liberty Review No.14.

Greater flexibility is the path towards better access to medication and innovation

 

Full document here

The steps towards more flexibility in the regulatory framework are welcomed and much needed as for any economic agent the ability to act in general determines the ability to adapt to evolving circumstances, such as by pursuing permanent technological development or responding to a random crisis. It determines the ability to innovate, develop, and meet the demand of individual patients by creating patient-centered systems. In complicated and sensitive product chains such as the pharmaceutical industry and healthcare, this ability is crucial as in no other area. Therefore, any policy changes enhancing regulatory attractiveness, market competition, and technological development look promising.

Although healthcare is not a common policy field in the EU, closer integration could ease some of the worrying problems across the Member States. The challenge to meet the demand for healthcare is common across EU member states as populations are aging, expectations of healthcare quality and accessibility are rising, and a shortage of financial resources is calling for more efficacy and efficiency. A chronic lack of medical personnel in all EU countries calls for a broader view than simply a focus on financial adequacy. Greater safety requirements and new Green Deal and Circular Economy goals only reinforce the extent and depth of changes that need to be made.

The Initiative points out that companies market medicines differently across Europe and access can therefore vary considerably across the Member States. This is mainly caused by the conditions that member states offer. Some of them are objective, such as the size of the market, while others, such as local regulations, are purely subjective. A more integrated approach towards flexibility in the pharmaceutical regulatory framework is likely to have a positive impact on easing national regulatory regimes.

A more integrated approach towards flexibility in the pharmaceutical regulatory framework is likely to have a positive impact on easing national regulatory regimes.

Local language labeling is a requirement that objectively makes small markets less attractive for producers, which they are. Leveraging digital technologies could remove the extra cost of printing different labels and increase small market attractiveness, but regulations should be flexible enough to ensure these outcomes.

The goal of putting in place tailored incentives for attracting investments for certain unmet needs looks doubtful. Tailored incentives are unsustainable as they program lagging behind with innovation, resource misallocation, and routine changes in the incentive mechanisms, without making the system crisis-proof. Systems become crisis-proof only if the incentives stem from the industry itself and if the regulatory framework is flexible enough to facilitate swift response.

The Initiative does not address some essential and pervasive problems of the pharmaceutical sector such as a decreasing role of the market and unrealistic expectations of the consumers. First, the pharmaceutical sector is suffering from the rigidity and inertia caused by the dominant role of administrative-political actors and procedures. Politicians, who de facto manage the process, seek to maximize short-term benefits for the public population or groups, e.g. by supplying free medicines or reducing patient co-payments, without taking into account the long-term effects on the industry’s sustainability. This causes a decline in investments, late technological response to already existing threats, and poor crisis management.

Another problem relates to mounting expectations about medicine quality and innovation placed on the sector. Unrealistic targets lead to tensions and cracking in the value-creating process, leading companies to price increases, quality compromises, or simply staying away from onerously regulated lines of business. The main bottleneck though is the process of resource distribution as market forces are extremely fragmented and dominated by administrative and political decisions. Today’s onerous regulatory framework must be eased to allow speed, adaptability, and efficiency.

Facts and analysis. An investment-friendly corporate tax model will help to recover from the crisis

Claude, „The Embarkation of Saint Paula“, 1639, Museo del Prado

Claude, „The Embarkation of Saint Paula“, 1639, Museo del Prado.

The transition to the taxation of distributed profits would increase investments and help the economy to recover from the crisis as quickly as possible, according to the Lithuanian Free Market Institute (LFMI). Simultaneously, it would create new jobs, increase economic efficiency and people‘s income.

“By presenting the analytic material, we invited the business community and the authorities to a discussion about the tax exemption on reinvested profits. Such discussion was planned in the government program, and due to the crisis, it cannot be postponed any longer, – said the president of the LFMI Elena Leontjeva, – Investments by various companies would help the economy to recover as soon as possible after the crisis”.

As stated in the LFMI analytical material presented today, investment stagnation in the years 2009–2012 shows that after an economic downturn it may take a while for the investment activity to reach a level, which would increase people’s income. It is the number of investments in the country that determines the productivity of companies and other variables that are attributed to prosperity: the level of revenues and prices, employment, and budget revenues. Lithuania is still far behind the European Union average in terms of capital per employee, which is the main reason for the income and wage gap between Lithuania and Western Europe.

“Companies’ own resource investments would increase after abolishing the taxation of the reinvested profits. It is pretty much the only source of investments while recovering from the pandemic, especially when companies lack access to loans,” – stated Leontjeva.

As of today, earned profits in Lithuania are taxed twice: on the company level and by dividends. This means that effective profit tax is as high as 27.75%. Since the abolition of the zero rates on the reinvested earnings in 2002, a chronic development of income tax breaks has been observed. According to Leontjeva, ongoing initiatives to supplement income tax with new benefits confirm the need to abolish investment taxation. Income tax places an indirect, yet particularly heavy burden on smaller and medium companies. The costs of income tax calculation and control are regressive: the smaller the company, the higher the ratio between the costs and the turnover.

“While the capital and jobs are being relocated from Asia to Europe, it is very important for us to catch the train and catch up with our neighboring countries Estonia, Latvia, and even Poland, where the model that is being discussed is already applied”, – encourages Leontjeva.

Under this model, the tax is applied only on paid dividends, whereas funds dedicated to investments and business development are tax-free. This not only frees up funds for investments but also eliminates the need for tax profit accounting. Simultaneously, with all similar burdens and the tensions between the taxpayers and administrators, incentives for shadow activities are decreasing. The experience of the neighboring countries also displays that shortly after applying the model profits and other tax revenues start growing.

The Unemployment Trap in Lithuania: Among the Highest in Europe

Prior to the crisis triggered by the COVID-19 outbreak, the Lithuanian economy had been enjoying a rapid growth. Yet, while the number of available jobs had been increasing, the number of unemployed had remained steadily high. The reasons for this may have been twofold: (1) government-funded measures aimed at retraining and professional reorientation of workers and jobless people were not targeted and implemented properly; and (2) people lacked motivation to join the labor market. This study analyzes the latter reason in greater detail.

The motivation and willingness of unemployed people to work, rather than survive on social benefits, is reflected in the “unemployment trap” indicator, or the level of income received by a jobless person in benefits, as a share of the individual’s potential income from employment. The wider the unemployment trap, the less attractive and beneficial it appears for people to earn a living by joining the labor force.

When the unemployment trap is high, the opportunity costs of employment are too high: a person finds it more beneficial to simply continue living on social welfare and remain unemployed. While short-term unemployment is mainly an economic problem, long-term unemployment becomes a social concern. People who remain unemployed for a long period of time lose their social skills and are especially vulnerable to different addictions and mental health problems. A job is the main way to ensure a decent living and well-being. Unemployed individuals lose opportunity of social mobility. Their expectations of being fairly assessed and accounted diminish, and motivations shrink even further. This creates a vicious circle of income inequality, because inequality cannot be reduced without a motivation to work.

A more general issue evolves as the unemployed may join the shadow economy to supplement their benefits. Although the unemployment trap among the lowest-wage earners had shrunk slightly prior to the COVID-19 crisis, this reduction was so small that the incentives for people to take up employment remained low. For comparison, in 2019 the unemployment trap in Lithuania stood at 87.8 percent, compared to the euro area average of 74.5 percent.1 The general trend is unfavorable: over the last year the unemployment trap has grown by 1 percentage point.

Full position can be found here.

Facts and Analysis. Wages, Unemployment and Social Benefits Across Municipalities

Unemployment rates three times as high, significantly lower average wages and 23 times as many people living on social benefits, a recent analysis by the Lithuanian Free Market Institute reveals huge disparities between Lithuanian regions and points to the root of the problem, i.e. particularly low levels of investment reaching just a few euro per capita in some municipalities.

Though in 2016 the average net monthly wage increased by 9 per cent exceeding 600 euro country-wide, it remains below 500 in one fifth of municipalities. For example, Šalčininkai Municipality had the lowest net average wage of 451 euro which is 234 euro less as compared to the neighboring Vilnius District Municipality. This is particularly alarming as the gap is growing on a yearly basis. To add, recently there has been much discussion about labor shortages in many sectors, but more than one fifth of Lithuanian municipalities are plagued with high unemployment levels. For example, one in eight of the working age persons were unemployed in Ignalina, Lazdijai and Kalvarija district municipalities, half of whom for a long-term. The lowest unemployment of roughly 5 per cent was observed in Elektrėnai, Kretinga, Neringa and Šiauliai municipalities.

The analysis revealed a link between poor social indicators and low investment levels. In 2016 the unemployment rates in Utena and Zarasai municipalities were 10 and 15 per cent, respectively; however, foreign investment in Utena was 69 times as high, boosting the economy of and reducing unemployment in the region. Clearly, both central and local governments should be concerned with attracting investment and creating favorable business conditions, be it a zero tax rate on reinvested profits or a reduction in bureaucracy.

Read the full analysis (in Lithuanian) Wages, Unemployment and Social Benefits Across Municipalities

Facts and Analysis. State Participation in the Provision of ICT Services

The Lithuanian Free Market Institute has examined the scope of ICT services provided by state-owned enterprises and submitted its comments and proposals to relevant authorities. The analysis revealed that:

  • the majority of state-owned enterprises are direct competitors of the private sector in the provision of ICT services;
  • by-laws of virtually all state-owned enterprises that are engaged in the provision of ICT services provide for an unrestricted list of possible economic activity, meaning that the expansion of their operation into other sectors is unlimited;
  • there is no clear distinction between the functions of public and private sectors;
  • many state-owned companies duplicate the services that are already provided by private market players;
  • state-owned ICT services providers are plagued by ineffective management and struggle to provide quality services;
  • there are no criteria that would help to determine what services and to whom may be provided by state-owned enterprises.

The full analysis (in Lithuanian) Facts and Analysis. State Participation in the Provision of ICT services is available here.

Facts and Analysis. Comparing Labour Codes Based on Doing Business Methodology

The new Labor Code which was supposed to be flexible in balancing employee-employer interests is to take effect as of 1 July 2017. It was already approved by the previous government, but vetoed by the President. Therefore, its entry into force was postponed and so began the process of its improvement. The work was continued by the new government.

The Lithuanian Free Market Institute has compared the effective Labour Code with the new one based on the World Bank’s Doing Business Methodology and produced a comparative analysis, showing Lithuania’s labour relations in the context of ten other European states. As regards strictness of labour regulation, the study shows that the new Labour Code will only slightly affect 33 Wold Bank indicators, will not result in any change in 30 others and will provide for more flexibility in merely three of them.

The full research paper Facts and Analysis. Comparing Labour Codes Based on Doing Business Methodology is available here.